Three-way contrasts in rising accents in Peninsular Spanish



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Three-way contrasts in rising accents in Peninsular Spanish

  • Pilar Prieto & Timothy Face
  • ICREA-UAB & University of Minnesota
  • 2nd Span ToBI Workshop, June 22

Spanish rising accents

  • Prenuclear accents (rises with delayed peaks: L*+H) vs nuclear accents (rises with aligned peaks: L+H*) (Face 2001, Beckman et al. 2002, Hualde 2003):
  • Mariana miraba la luna ‘Mariana was looking at the moon’
  • Prenuclear rise with delayed peak: L*+H
  • Nuclear (and focal) rise with an aligned peak: L+H*

Romance typology (Hualde 2003)

    • A - Prenuclear accent, L*+H
    • B - Nuclear broad focus, H+L*
    • C - Nuclear narrow focus, L+H*
  • Starredness based on phonetic H alignment properties.

English

  • Standard analysis of English rising accents
  • (Pierrehumbert 1980, ToBI):
  • Rise starts right at beginning of stressed syllable: L+H*
  • they fly to Des Moines
  • [TWA doesn’t fly there ...]
  • they fly to Des Moines
  • [TWA doesn’t fly there ...]

English vs. Spanish

Problems: criteria for starredness

  • Arvaniti, Ladd & Mennen (2000:121) present evidence
  • from Greek of the types of problems that arise when we
  • take phonetic alignment to the accented syllable to be the
  • exponent of association of tones to segments.
  • “we show that there exist pitch accents that are clearly
  • bitonal but which neither tones is, strictly speaking,
  • aligned with the accented syllable. We argue from this fact
  • that association cannot be based on phonetic alignment in
  • any straightforward way and that a more abstract and
  • rigorously defined notion of starredness is required.”

Three-way alignment contrasts in rising accents in Peninsular Spanish

    • A. rise with delayed peak;
    • B. rise with non-delayed peak;
    • C. posttonic rise;
  • A B C

Rise with delayed peak

  • Prenuclear positions
  • Mariana miraba la luna
  • ‘Mariana was looking at the moon’
  • Prenuclear positions
  • Rise with aligned peak
  • Some prenuclear accents in statements:
  • Mi lánguido niño no se encuentra bien
  • ‘My poor child is not well’
  • Prenuclear positions
  • Posttonic rise
  • Prenuclear accents in ‘unexpectative’ questions (Face in press: focal absolute interrogatives):
  • ¿Le dieron el número de vuelo?
  • ‘Did they give him the flight number?’
  • Posttonic rise
  • Prenuclear accents in ‘unexpectative’ questions (Face in press):
  • ¿Carolina le DABA dinero?
  • ‘Carolina was GIVING him/her money?’
  • Map-Task Project
  • MAP-TASK Ph.D. Project
  • Rosa López
  • Recording of two cooperative tasks, a conventional Map-Task and an animal drawing task.
  • These tasks had always the same information giver and 8 information seekers.
  • 8 speakers from Albacete aged 19-20 participated in the recordings
  • Examples of Posttonic Rises (Map-Tasks)
  • Prenuclear accents in confirmatory absolute interrogatives
  • ¿Paso por detrás del bar de comida rápida?
  • ‘Do I pass behind the fast-food restaurant?’
  • Posttonic rise
  • Prenuclear accents in confirmatory absolute interrogatives
  • ¿Pasas entre el ayuntamiento y la iglesia de Santa Bárbara?
  • ‘Do I pass in between the city hall and Sta. Barbara church?’
  • Posttonic rise
  • Prenuclear accents in confirmatory absolute interrogatives
  • ¿Estamos debajo de Caja Murcia?
  • ‘Are we below Murcia Bank?’
  • Posttonic rise
  • Prenuclear accents in confirmatory absolute interrogatives
  • ¿Paso por Caja Murcia?
  • ‘Do I go to Murcia Bank?’

Three way contrasts in rising accents in Peninsular Spanish

  • Aligned Peak: (some) prenuclear accents, focal and nuclear accents
  • Delayed peak: prenuclear accents in statements and yes-no questions.
  • Posttonic Rise: focal and prenuclear accents in yes-no questions
  • Delayed peak
  • Aligned Peak
  • l
  • nómina “payroll”
  • n
  • ó
  • m
  • H
  • Posttonic Rise
  • nómina “payroll”
  • i
  • i
  • n
  • ó
  • m
  • H
  • i
  • H
  • n
  • ó
  • m
  • nómina “payroll”

Proposal: Prieto, D’Imperio & Gili-Fivela in press

  • The phonological representation of tones has two complementary ways of encoding tonal alignment:
  • 1. Primary associations (or affiliation) encode a basic association between the whole accent and its tone-bearing unit through the use of the star * notation. The star * is used to indicate phonological affiliation of a given tone to a given metrically prominent syllable and is assigned on perceptual grounds  thus not assuming a strict relationship between ‘phonetic alignment’ and ‘phonological association’.
  • 2. Secondary associations encode metrical anchoring site. In some languages, it will be necessary to specify phonological differences in tonal alignment through phonological association/anchoring of tones to prosodic edges (moras, syllables and prosodic words).

Primary associations and starredness

Secondary association to metrical edges

  • The concept of secondary association is understood as the simultaneous association of a tone to a higher-level constituent, like the intonation phrase, and a lower constituent, like the mora (P & B 1988).

This concept been applied to explain the behavior of phrase accents and edge tones (see Elordieta 1998 for Lekeitio Basque; Frota 2003 for phrasal H tones in European Portuguese; Grice, 1995, p. 185 for Palermo Italian; Grice, Ladd & Arvaniti, 2000 for Eastern European languages, Gussenhoven & van der Vliet, 1999 and Gussenhoven, 2000 for tonal dialects of Dutch, Jun & Fougeron, 2000, Welby, 2003 for French, and Hualde, 2003a for Occitan).

  • This concept been applied to explain the behavior of phrase accents and edge tones (see Elordieta 1998 for Lekeitio Basque; Frota 2003 for phrasal H tones in European Portuguese; Grice, 1995, p. 185 for Palermo Italian; Grice, Ladd & Arvaniti, 2000 for Eastern European languages, Gussenhoven & van der Vliet, 1999 and Gussenhoven, 2000 for tonal dialects of Dutch, Jun & Fougeron, 2000, Welby, 2003 for French, and Hualde, 2003a for Occitan).
  • Phrasal tones may acquire additional links (“secondary associations”) to a specific site in the metrical tree, namely,
    • A specific mora
    • A specific metrically prominent syllable
    • A specific word-edge

Spanish rising accents

Neapolitan Italian rises

  • Later synchronization of F0 peaks differentiates questions from statements coupled with raising the F0 range and slower descent.
  • Yes-no question
  • Vedrai mamma domani Vedrai mamma domani
  • ‘You will see your mum tomorrow’ ‘Will you see your mum tomorrow?’
  • (D’Imperio et House, 1997; D’Imperio, 2000)
  • original
  • stylized
  • L
  • H
  • question
  • statement
  • 40 ms
  • L
  • H
  • D’Imperio (2002)
  • A 40. ms. difference in peak alignment statistically increased question responses in perception experiments (D’Imperio 2000)
  • CONCLUSION:
  • A small alignment H difference
  • is crucial for identification
  • . A small temporal difference is
  • crucial for identification.

H and L tones are phonologically anchored at the end of the first mora ( ])

  • H and L tones are phonologically anchored at the end of the first mora ( ])
    • NEAPOLITAN ITALIAN RISING ACCENTS
    • L+H*] L+H*]
  • Pisa Italian rises
  • Gili Fivela (2002, 2004): peaks for broad focus and narrow differed by earlier/later synchronization of a peak contour coupled with a faster/slower timing of the fall.
  • Broad focus statement
  • Narrow focus statement
  • La pronuncia di ‘lavaglielo’ non la ricordo mai La pronuncia di ‘lavaglielo’ non la ricordo mai

H tones are phonologically anchored either to end of the first mora ( ]) or syllable ( ]).

Conclusion

  • Peninsular Spanish (like Catalan) shows a 3-way alignment difference in rising accents in prenuclear position.
  • These tonal alignment differences can be transcribed using:
    • A primary association which encodes a basic association between the whole accent and its tone-bearing unit through the use of the star * notation.
    • A secondary association which encodes metrical anchoring site (in the Spanish case, a secondary association to the right edge of the syllable).
  • Gràcies!
  • This presentation will soon be available at
  • http://seneca.uab.es/papi


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