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Andrea Benedetti and Tatyana Sheila Friedrich: Transitional Justice and Political Refugees: Right to Truth and Redress from the Revision of the Amnesty Act in Brazil

Brazil lived a military dictatorship between 1964 and 1985. About 10 thousand citizens lived in exile at some stage of the dictatorship. At the end of the regime was approved the Amnesty Law to political and military crimes. In April 2010, the Federal Supreme Court of Brazil ruled action seeking review of this law. It ruled that the law also granted an amnesty for torturers who acted against resistance movements to the military dictatorship. In November 2010, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which has compulsory jurisdiction in Brazil, gave contrary interpretation to the Supreme Court. These are two decisions in force on Brazilian amnesty, with opposed determinations. This is the context that will serve as the backdrop for discussions on transitional justice in the present paper. The proposal is to present important concepts of transitional justice, focusing on redress. Further, to discuss how the Brazilian government faces the challenge of securing the rights to truth, justice and reparation of the people who were forced to migrate and the missing political. It seeks to demonstrate the need for revision of the Amnesty Law in Brazil, in order to consolidate peace and strengthen democracy. The contribution to IASFM will be to discuss the experience of the only country in the Southern Cone that still retains the Amnesty for public officials who committed crimes of human rights violation. This is the discussion of the current role of the Brazilian judicial system in this important moment in the consolidation of the democratic transition.




  1. Fabiano L. de Menezes: How to influence states to cooperate in the refugee regime: international solidarity or strategic interest?

In the refugee regime, cooperation is a mechanism to solve the "unduly heavy burden" problem in the state of first asylum by the state of second asylum. In this paper, I evaluate two strategies defined by Latin American states in the Mexico Plan of Action to solve the problem of the massive influx of Colombian refugees in the Andean region: the exclusion of the contribution of states outside Latin America, and international solidarity as a condition for the state of second asylum implement the "resettlement in solidarity". To conduct this research, I expanded the scope of the regional analysis, assess cooperation cases and explore documentary and empirical observations of the “resettlement in solidarity” program. To complement the study, I carried out field work interviews in the main state of first asylum (Ecuador) and on the major states of second asylum (Brazil, Argentina and Chile). The general findings indicate that the state of second asylum cooperates when the following factors are present: i) favorable political and economic conditions (international and national), ii) hegemon with strategic interests, and iii) domestic strategic interests unrelated to the humanitarian problem of refugees. The final conclusion suggests two directions about Latin American cooperation. First, the strategy of the Mexico Plan of Action is insufficient to solve the "unduly heavy burdens" in the Andean region. Second, the next Latin American program that will come in effect on the 30th anniversary of the Cartagena Declaration will have the same mistakes and omissions found in the previous cooperation plan.




  1. Ralph Wilde: The ‘life of the nation’ extraterritorially: can states derogate from human rights obligations, including the non-refoulement obligation, when performing migration control and other activities abroad?

This paper explores the viability of international human rights law in the context of extraterritorial activities by states, including those concerned with migration control (e.g. interception at sea and extraterritorial migrant processing), through one aspect of the legal framework: the ‘derogation’ rules that regulate extraordinary limitations on individual rights in situations of extreme security threats. It will argue that the mis-match between the identity of the state acting extraterritorially, and the identity of the people and territory (including at sea) in which it is acting, has important, problematic implications for these rules.


There is a question as to whether or not the test for activating a derogation—the existence of a war/public emergency threatening the ‘life of the nation’, covers all forms of extraterritorial security threats in relation to which a derogation would be needed in order for extraterritorial action to be compatible with human rights law. If the ‘nation’ is defined as the state acting extraterritorially, and not also the state/non-state territory in which it is acting, and the affected population, does the test only cover threats extraterritorially which can be linked back to the foreign state as their object/target? If so, would only action relating to self-defence be covered, leaving outside the test other action? This paper will consider these questions, with reference to relevant case law and commentary, as well as underlying theoretical ideas and related areas of international law.


  1. Simon Behrman The Ethics of Asylum

What is the ethical basis upon which refugees are granted asylum? One of the promises of the 1951 Refugee Convention, reinforced by the 1967 Protocol, was that for the first time there would be a universal definition of a refugee. This would guarantee that asylum would be granted to all ‘genuine’ refugees without favour or discrimination. The coming of refugee law thus extended the protection of the rule of law to all those fleeing persecution. Over time a legal framework has evolved which distinguishes the ‘deserving’ from the ‘undeserving’ forced migrant. In truth, such a distinction has always been present in the concept of asylum and sanctuary. In the past, from medieval church sanctuary to the Huguenots to the Cold War, the determination was based on notions of religious and/or political solidarity. Elements of that tradition remain, hidden and unacknowledged, within the form and practice of international refugee law. Often this aspect of refugee reception is criticised for politicising asylum. But I argue that there is nothing wrong with that in principle. Moreover, to separate the question of asylum from the political is impossible; to argue that the two are distinct in practice is dishonest. The problem has been that too often refugee advocates and activists rely on a supposedly objective refugee law, rather than engaging in contestation over the terms upon which we offer asylum. Doing this means accepting that all of us carry ethical notions of the deserving and the undeserving refugee. By revealing the rich tradition of religious and political solidarity that lies at the base of sanctuary we can renew and re-energise the battle for justice in the field of asylum.


Panel 53

Leaving behind the displacement: Conditions for durable solutions (I).


  1. Diana Rodríguez: War Narratives, The Construction of a Moral Economy in Educational Settings. A case study in the northern border of Ecuador.

My research in the northern border of Ecuador focuses on vulnerable migrant youth between 14 and 18 years old, who have a high probability of dropping out of school due to financial obligations, early pregnancy, and pressure from the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) to join their forces. According to the UN Commission on Human Rights, in 2012 nearly 68,000 Colombian refugees were living in Ecuador, 40 percent of whom were under the age of 18. My research pursues three questions: How do war narratives grounded in the Colombian armed conflict permeate the learning and social experiences of youth? How does the school community, including non-governmental organizations that cater to refugees, use and reproduce war narratives to order and distribute different kinds of capital within educational settings? And, what are the alternatives for peace building and conflict resolution in this context?


My research answers these questions by tracing the use and effects of narratives of war in the educational and social experiences of youth, as these circulate in everyday ways of talking and acting that consciously or not, permeates daily learning experiences. My evidence was collected throughout a year from participant observation, structured and semi-structured interviews, and participatory visual ethnography workshops with youth.

Understanding how the presence of armed conflict, with its war narratives, affects the everyday lives of students and their families will enable a better understanding of teachers’, school administrators’, and non-governmental organizations’ practices as the whole community struggles to cope with this threat. In documenting these effects, my work provides a guide to some of the complex realities that might emerge in a process of peace and reconciliation, and offer valuable input to imagine and implement meaningful curriculum reform for a post-conflict environment.





  1. Aida Orgocka: Facilitating access to higher education for refugees through a Canada-Kenya partnership

This presentation focuses on Borderless Higher Education for Refugees (BHER), a development initiative that brings higher education programs in one of the world’s largest refugee camps, Dadaab, Kenya. Led by York University, this multi-institutional project makes an effort to provide a durable solution for long term refugees, primarily of Somali Origin. It focuses on expanding university education opportunities for refugee and host communities in situ by offering onsite and online teaching and learning with the goal of gender parity. A systematic academic engagement from students leads to a university certificates, diplomas and degrees based on a cost-recovery model and shared responsibilities among universities in Canada and Kenya. This program is founded on the philosophy of retention and inclusion, not ranking or exclusion. It knowingly admits students who are academically weak; there is a duty to accommodate and support these students; it fosters a mutually supportive and inclusive classroom culture and makes gender and equity as well as community cohesion a central piece of service delivery. In addition to presenting the initiative, the presentation discusses implementation challenges in the context of a Canada-Kenya partnership in terms of human and infrastructural capacity, bi-directional transfer of capacity, and negotiations on resources. Lastly, I focus on local ownership as a key factor in sustaining the initiative.




  1. Andreas von Kanel: Education as a durable solution? Becoming a citizen in a Congolese refugee camp

In the Democratic Republic of Congo the deadliest armed conflict since World War II has driven millions of people into exile. After 18 years and a series of peace agreements, no solution is still in sight for many of the refugees originating from the chronically unstable eastern provinces. Their plight is shared by refugees across the globe, at a time when most conflicts persist for well over a decade.


In parallel to the increase of protracted refugee situations, education has gradually emerged as an instrument to mitigate the consequences of prolonged displacement. Since the 1990s, UNHCR systematically integrated education as a protection tool linked to child rights. However, UNHCR´s Global Review (2011) insists on the more far-reaching potential of educational delivery and advocates for a recognition of “education as a durable solution”. In this view, quality education offers a way out of the uncertainties of displacement, as future security is now “less connected to where one is geographically and more to skills, capacities, and knowledge that can accompany an individual no matter where that future may be”.
Based on ongoing ethnographic fieldwork on education in a Congolese refugee camp in western Tanzania, this paper focuses on the intersections between formal schooling and exile. It retraces the institutional response since the encampment of refugees from South Kivu in 1996, showing how education served as a means to restore “normality”, “routine” and “continuity” for refugee children, while it also came to be constituted as an arena for reconstructing a sense of citizenship. It then turns to the practices of refugees themselves in order to assess when, how and for whom education has served as a resource for overcoming the lack of rights resulting from forced exodus and encampment - and in which ways it has, on the contrary, served to reinforce certain forms of social, political and spatial exclusion.
Panel 53

Miradas al desplazamiento forzado urbano en Colombia


  1. Andrés Salcedo: Víctimas y trasegares: ciudad y desplazamiento en Colombia contemporánea

El desplazamiento forzoso ha sido usado a lo largo de toda la historia de Colombia como modo de gobernar la diferencia ideológica y cultural, como medio para disputarse la riqueza generada por economías legales e ilegales y como modo de reclutamiento de hombres y mujeres jóvenes como mano de obra y como soldados. Las víctimas de lo que llamo la reconquista paramilitar (2002-2005) tuvieron que vivir un largo y penoso proceso de fracturas, dolores y dificultades ocasionados por amenazas, persecuciones y masacres sino también de las asimetrías de poder que tuvieron que enfrentar cuando emprendieron el extenuante y largo trasegar que los llevaba de entidad en entidad para obtener ayudas y de cuarto en cuarto en su difícil proceso de inserción urbana. En esta ponencia quisiera plantear que el desplazamiento forzoso no fue solamente un evento violento o una desconexión definitiva de lugares sino un proceso de nomadismo inter urbano de reconstrucción durante el cual poblaciones negras e indígenas articularon a las comunidades que se quedaron atrás con una nueva y vibrante red transnacional de organizaciones en defensa de los derechos humanos y la puesta en marcha de proyectos de fortalecimiento cultural e iniciativas solidarias para recomponer sus vidas.




  1. Andrés Cancimance: Catástrofes Creadas y su Invisibilización en los Contextos Urbanos: La Migración Forzada al Interior de las Ciudades en Colombia

El cambio en las lógicas del conflicto armado en Colombia, en cuanto a escenarios, objetivos, actores y estrategias bélicas, ha hecho que la migración forzada se transforme, de tal forma que actualmente no es posible hablar únicamente de las migraciones forzadas con trayectorias campo-ciudad (de lo rural a lo urbano), sino que se debe reconocer la existencia de una variación en esta lógica de movilidad impuesta: la migración forzada al interior de una misma ciudad. En Colombia, aún no se reconoce que la migración forzada al interior de sus espacios urbanos sea un fenómeno social que amerita el diseño de políticas públicas para atender el desastre que la violencia está creando en un entorno “civilizado”: la ciudad. En lo que sigue de esta ponencia me interesaré por esta temática.




  1. Gloria Silva: Detenciones arbitrarias y desplazamiento forzado en Colombia

En Colombia el desplazamiento forzado interno y otras limitaciones a la libertad de locomoción, también es generado por la práctica oficial de persecución contra sectores de oposición social y política, y campesinos, mediante las detenciones arbitrarias, judicialización selectiva y criminalización de la protesta social.




  1. Amelia Fernández: Relaciones Entre Estructuras Familiares, Tipología, Ciclo Vital y Estresores, que Afectan a Familias en situación de Desplazamiento Forzada Ubicadas en Bogotá, Localidad 19 Ciudad Bolívar, 2011-2012

ANTECEDENTES Y PROBLEMA


Este estudio hace un análisis secundario de los hallazgos reportados en el marco de la investigación titulada “Relaciones entre estructuras familiares, tipología, ciclo vital y estresores que afectan a familias en situación de desplazamiento forzado ubicadas en Bogotá, Localidad 19 Ciudad Bolívar.” la cual fue cofinanciada por la Pontificia Universidad

Javeriana y Colciencias en el Programa Nacional de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas del 2011 al 2012. El estudio surgió del interés por comprender con mayor profundidad las relaciones existentes entre las capacidades y las condiciones de vida de familias víctimas de desplazamiento forzado asentadas en Bogotá y los estresores que enfrentan en su diario vivir, diferenciando por estructuras familiares y por los ciclos vitales por los cuales atraviesan.


MATERIALES Y MÉTODOS
En la investigación original, se implementó un estudio observacional de tipo descriptivo, de correlación y corte transversal, que se centró en el análisis cuantitativo de información recabada en el programa desde octubre de 2008 hasta diciembre de 2011, utilizando técnicas estadísticas multivariadas, que describen su frecuencia singular y la de sus asociaciones. Se involucraron herramientas de tipo cualitativo; grupos focales y entrevistas a profundidad, además de grupos de discusión, que contribuyeron al análisis de los resultados y a la profundización en la comprensión epistemológica y metodológica de algunas nociones y variables.
La población involucrada en el estudio primario, fueron 1284 familias (5891 personas) víctimas de desplazamiento forzado que acudió al programa de Responsabilidad Social Universitaria de la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, Vidas Móviles (Fernández, 2009), entre el año 2008 y el 2011, programa que ofrece servicios de acompañamiento, orientación y atención integral en la localidad 19 -Ciudad Bolívar- UPZ Jerusalén de Bogotá desde octubre de 2006.
RESULTADOS Y RECOMENDACIONES
Establecidas las relaciones entre las estructuras familiares, los ciclos de vida familiar y las crisis normativas y no normativas prevalentes en la población participante en el proyecto, se analizó su incidencia en política pública, en particular en el componente de soluciones duraderas.
Se encontró evidencia sobre cómo el desplazamiento forzado genera diversos efectos e impactos en la estructura familiar poniendo en riesgo el sentido de identidad, pertenencia, inclusión y seguridad de sus miembros. Se desplegó una dinámica caracterizada por la movilidad en los roles en función de sus condiciones y capacidades.

Emergieron familias configuradas durante la travesía, en las cuales se observó el desplazamiento como proceso que niega la posibilidad inmediata de una construcción autónoma y sostenible de un proyecto de vida familiar, generando brechas entre la familia, las instituciones y las realidades experimentadas en los lugares de llegada.


En materia de estructuras encontramos ad intra, niveles de jefatura femenina que duplicaban los datos encontrados a nivel nacional, distrital e incluso superiores a los evidenciados en el III ENV-2010 (65.4% de jefatura femenina).
El desplazamiento interno forzado además del desarraigo y del empobrecimiento, también generó nuevos acomodos familiares y subjetividades femeninas que, impactaron a las familias y sus ciclos vitales. Aportó información útil para la toma de decisiones y para la atención integral y sensible a la condición de las familias.

“La familia nuclear, que durante varias décadas fue un modelo normativo en la sociedad, es actualmente, sólo una de las tantas posibilidades de familia. Las nuevas formas familiares generan nuevas necesidades a las que la política pública debe responder, y seguramente también estas nuevas formas transforman aspectos importantes, tales como la salud, por ejemplo” (Millán, en imprenta)


Contribuyó además a suscitar “nuevos” interrogantes: ¿Qué ocurrirá con las estructuras familiares del futuro? ¿Puede configurarse la familia como sujeto colectivo de derechos? ¿Cómo se pueden abordar integralmente los efectos y los impactos de las situaciones estresantes intempestivas y complejas en unidades de análisis cuyas estructuras y funciones han sido asignadas a priori? ¿Y cómo incluir estas asociaciones y relaciones en las políticas públicas para el restablecimiento de derechos y el mejoramiento de la calidad de vida de la población, de acuerdo con las características, problemáticas y relaciones encontradas?


  1. Nubia Ruiz Ruiz La migración interna forzada en Colombia. LA transformación de los territorios en Colombia a la luz de la dinámica extractivista en el país y su relación con la propiedad de la tierra. 1997-2012

La presente investigación aborda el problema de las transformaciones demográficas y territoriales que ha vivido Colombia en los últimos 15 años, como resultado de las migraciones forzadas y los procesos económicos de explotación de recursos naturales, específicamente la explotación minera y petrolera en el país.

Asumimos como hipótesis el hecho de que los diferentes procesos de desplazamiento forzado ocurridos en Colombia durante el siglo XX han sido desencadenados por sucesivas oleadas de acumulación por desposesión; desde esta perspectiva se han identificado las geografías del proceso de acumulación por desposesión entre 1997 y 2012, partiendo de un Análisis Exploratorio de Datos Espaciales.

La investigación aborda el análisis de 5.056.128 millones de registros de población migrante forzada, desde y hacia los 1.114 municipios; analiza la implantación de proceso extractivos en el territorio e identifica la relación entre desplazamiento, acumulación de tierras y procesos económicos extractivos por parte de grandes empresas multinacionales. Mediante análisis demográficos y geográficos que ligan el fenómeno del desplazamiento, con la localización de recursos y las dinámicas de acumulación, se ha encontrado la relación entre variables de expulsión de población por municipio, la de presencia de bloques petroleros y títulos mineros, teniendo en cuenta en el análisis la variación en los tamaños de la propiedad rural en Colombia.

Mediante una regresión múltiple entre las variables: desplazamiento forzado, tamaño de bloques y títulos por mineral y acumulación de tierras, se encontraron las regiones donde desplazamiento está asociado más a la minería de metales preciosos o de extracción de combustibles.

Panel 54

Alternative approaches to forced migration


  1. Anita Fabos: Songs of Peace and Protest: Sudanese Music in the Diaspora.

This paper considers the role of exiled Muslim, Arabic-speaking Sudanese musicians in peace-building processes outside of Sudan. Musicians were among the first to be targeted by Sudan’s Islamist regime after it seized power in a military coup in 1989--for such reasons as promoting ‘inappropriate’ comportment (such as mixed-gender dancing) or expressing political opposition through lyrics, for example. Scores of musicians went into exile in protest and to be able to continue their professional activities without restrictions or penalties. Today, exiled Sudanese musicians play an active role in recording and performing for audiences abroad, raising awareness about ongoing political instability and recent humanitarian crises in their homeland. Similar to exiled South African musicians who advocated an end to Apartheid, Sudanese have been active participants in initiatives to promote peaceful change in Sudan. In particular, the World Music scene has become an important forum for Sudanese musicians to mobilize to call attention to human rights abuses in Sudan, and to use this global platform as “a powerful symbol of what could be possible back home”. Events such as the 2007 and 2008 Sudanese Music and Dance Festivals in the US are designed “to present a message of peace and unity for Sudan,” while singers like AlSarah sees her music as part of a larger initiative: “I sing about migration, voluntary and forced, I sing about people the world likes to ignore except when speaking of them in the past, and I sing about what it means to yearn for home[2].” Building on over 20 years of research with Sudanese forced migrants, the paper employs semi-structured interviews and ethnographic research with Sudanese singers and bands in the UAE, the United States and Canada to analyze the development of an exile musical culture and its contributions to global peace efforts.



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